

Jon Huntsman, a worthy candidate on the right, scores a minus 2 on this index. The GOP really has become the party of zealots.
This past summer, the GOP nearly forced America to the verge of default just to score a point in a budget debate. In the throes of the worst economic crisis since the Depression, Republican politicians demand massive budget cuts and shrug off the concerns of the unemployed. In the face of evidence of dwindling upward mobility and long-stagnating middle-class wages, my party’s economic ideas sometimes seem to have shrunk to just one: more tax cuts for the very highest earners. When I entered Republican politics, during an earlier period of malaise, in the late seventies and early eighties, the movement got most of the big questions—crime, inflation, the Cold War—right. This time, the party is getting the big questions disastrously wrong. . . .
It was not so long ago that Texas governor Bush denounced attempts to cut the earned-income tax credit as “balancing the budget on the backs of the poor.” By 2011, Republican commentators were noisily complaining that the poorer half of society are “lucky duckies” because the EITC offsets their federal tax obligations—or because the recession had left them with such meager incomes that they had no tax to pay in the first place. In 2000, candidate Bush routinely invoked “churches, synagogues, and mosques.” By 2010, prominent Republicans were denouncing the construction of a mosque in lower Manhattan as an outrageous insult. In 2003, President Bush and a Republican majority in Congress enacted a new prescription-drug program in Medicare. By 2011, all but four Republicans in the House and five in the Senate were voting to withdraw the Medicare guarantee from everybody under age 55. Today, the Fed’s pushing down interest rates in hopes of igniting economic growth is close to treason, according to Governor Rick Perry, coyly seconded by The Wall Street Journal. In 2000, the same policy qualified Alan Greenspan as the “greatest central banker in the history of the world,” according to Perry’s mentor, Senator Phil Gramm. Today, health reform that combines regulation of private insurance, individual mandates, and subsidies for those who need them is considered unconstitutional and an open invitation to “death panels.” A dozen years ago, a very similar reform was the Senate Republican alternative to Hillarycare. Today, stimulative fiscal policy that includes tax cuts for almost every American is “socialism.” In 2001, stimulative fiscal policy that included tax cuts for rather fewer Americans was an economic-recovery program. . . .
The Bush years cannot be repudiated, but the memory of them can be discarded to make way for a new and more radical ideology, assembled from bits of the old GOP platform that were once sublimated by the party elites but now roam the land freely: ultra-libertarianism, crank monetary theories, populist fury, and paranoid visions of a Democratic Party controlled by ACORN and the New Black Panthers. For the past three years, the media have praised the enthusiasm and energy the tea party has brought to the GOP. Yet it’s telling that that movement has failed time and again to produce even a remotely credible candidate for president. Sarah Palin, Donald Trump, Michele Bachmann, Rick Perry, Herman Cain, Newt Gingrich: The list of tea-party candidates reads like the early history of the U.S. space program, a series of humiliating fizzles and explosions that never achieved liftoff.
Much as viewers tune in to American Idol to laugh at the inept, borderline dysfunctional early auditions, these tea-party champions provide a ghoulish type of news entertainment each time they reveal that they know nothing about public affairs and have never attempted to learn. But Cain’s gaffe on Libya or Perry’s brain freeze on the Department of Energy are not only indicators of bad leadership. They are indicators of a crisis of followership. The tea party never demanded knowledge or concern for governance, and so of course it never got them. . . .
But the thought leaders on talk radio and Fox do more than shape opinion. Backed by their own wing of the book-publishing industry and supported by think tanks that increasingly function as public-relations agencies, conservatives have built a whole alternative knowledge system, with its own facts, its own history, its own laws of economics. Outside this alternative reality, the United States is a country dominated by a strong Christian religiosity. Within it, Christians are a persecuted minority. Outside the system, President Obama—whatever his policy errors—is a figure of imposing intellect and dignity. Within the system, he’s a pitiful nothing, unable to speak without a teleprompter, an affirmative-action phony doomed to inevitable defeat. Outside the system, social scientists worry that the U.S. is hardening into one of the most rigid class societies in the Western world, in which the children of the poor have less chance of escape than in France, Germany, or even England. Inside the system, the U.S. remains (to borrow the words of Senator Marco Rubio) “the only place in the world where it doesn’t matter who your parents were or where you came from.” . . .
Yet, for the most part, these Republican billionaires are not acting cynically. They watch Fox News too, and they’re gripped by the same apocalyptic fears as the Republican base. In funding the tea-party movement, they are actually acting against their own longer-term interests, for it is the richest who have the most interest in political stability, which depends upon broad societal agreement that the existing distribution of rewards is fair and reasonable. If the social order comes to seem unjust to large numbers of people, what happens next will make Occupy Wall Street look like a street fair. . . .
It’s the job of conservatives in this crisis to show a better way. But it’s one thing to point out (accurately) that President Obama’s stimulus plan was mostly a compilation of antique Democratic wish lists, and quite another to argue that the correct response to the worst collapse since the thirties is to wait for the economy to get better on its own. It’s one thing to worry (wisely) about the long-term trend in government spending, and another to demand big, immediate cuts when 25 million are out of full-time work and the government can borrow for ten years at 2 percent.
One interesting thing is how with each new meteoric rise by the "new new" conservative darling, in order, Bachmann, Perry, Cain, Gingrich, Governor Romney's numbers head south only to rise again when the new new candidate's numbers come back to earth. Cain is now on his way down, with Gingrich replacing him as the conservative darling. The PPP polling has Gingrich at 28 %, Cain at 25% and Romney droppng down to 18%. Have these voters forgotten that Gingrich criticized the proposed House GOP budget as "Right Wing Social Engineering." I bet our own Paul Ryan hasn't forgotten that. | |||||||||||
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In the latest of a series of desperate moves by Walker and his backers, Republican legislator moved Tuesday to give the embattled governor veto power over decisions about the recall election he is likely to face next spring.
The Republican-led Joint Committee for Review of Administrative Rules has ordered the state’s Government Accountability Board—an independent agency that oversees elections in Wisconsin—to submit decisions regarding key voting-rights issues to a formal rule-making process that gives Governor Walker and Republican legislative leaders the ability to reject rule changes made by the GAB.
Critics warn that this gives Walker the power to dictate how the GAB runs elections—including a new election that would be scheduled if opponents of the governor succeed in filing 540,000 valid signatures on recall petitions. That’s because, under an executive order the governor recently issued, he now has the authority to veto newly created administrative rules—if they are formally promulgated. The decision by the Joint Committee for Review of Administrative Rules, which was made in a party-line vote Tuesday, requires the formalizing of the rules in a manner that gives the final say to the governor, as opposed to the independent board that is supposed to set election rules and oversee voting.
“What we’re doing here is we’re neutering the GAB,” complained state Senator Fred Risser, the Madison Democrat who is the senior member of the legislature.
The assault on the GAB won’t necessarily prevent a recall election. The state’s constitution sets the basic outlines for the process of recalling elected officials. But could make things harder for those promoting the recall and for those—especially students—who want to vote in the election.
That may explain why Walker’s legislative allies are moving to give the governor the authority to erect roadblocks to the recall.
The Joint Committee for Review of Administrative Rules on Tuesday ordered the GAB to formalize three decisions, including:
1. a determination allowing technical college IDs to count as college IDs under the photo ID for voting law
2. a determination that it is acceptable to use stickers to update college ID addresses
3. a determination that it is appropriate to electronically circulate recall and nomination papers.
It is the requirement that the board formalize their decisions through the rule-making process that will give Walker and his allies the ability to formally accept or reject rule changes. That gives them veto power with regard to how elections are organized and run.
"We're going to be judged, whether it's in 2012 or 2014, on what we're doing on jobs and reform, I don't think it changes what I focus on day-to-day."So the Governor is expecting (perhaps even wanting) to be judged in the recall effort by whether he is delivering on his 250,000 new jobs promise. Tomorrow is the scheduled release date for the Department of Workforce Development's October job creation numbers. So far the job creation results under the Governor's public sector collective bargaining reforms have been tepid at best. Tomorrow at noon we should have a new snapshot as to whether the Governor has been delivering or not on his job creation promise.
Date of Poll | Pollster | In favor | Opposed | Undecided | Number polled |
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May 10-16, 2011 | Quinnipiac University | 36% | 54% | 10% | 1,379 |
July 12-18, 2011 | Quinnipiac University | 32% | 56% | 12% | 1,659 |
Sept. 20-25, 2011 | Quinnipiac University | 38% | 51% | 11% | 1,301 |
October 25, 2011 | Quinnipiac University | 32% | 57% | 11% | 1,668 |
Iowa conservatives appear unready to jump off the Herman Cain train — unless damning evidence emerges that proves the presidential candidate was less than truthful Monday when he denied allegations of sexual harassment.
The Des Moines Register spoke by phone with more than 20 likely Republican caucus goers who participated in the Oct. 23-26 Iowa Poll, and none said the allegations had moved them to reject Cain as a potential pick.
Politico reported Sunday night that two women who worked for Cain at the National Restaurant Association complained of sexually suggestive behavior by Cain, accepted money to leave their jobs, and signed confidentiality agreements. Cain was CEO from 1996 to 1999.
Cain on Monday said he has never sexually harassed anyone. He called the allegations part of a “witch hunt.” But throughout Monday, he offered conflicting responses as to whether he remembered the specifics of the allegations or the existence of settlements with the women.
Poll respondent Rick Hall, a Des Moines accountant, said, “Unless it rolls into something undeniably very bad at his core, it will have no effect on my feeling about Mr. Cain as far as a viable candidate. It happened far enough ago, I’m not surprised that this thing wouldn’t follow many highly placed corporate officers.” [And I stupidly thought that people aspired to be highly placed corporate officers for the money and prestige.]
Iowa conservative leaders, too, were willing Monday to give Cain the benefit of the doubt.
“He has to lay all his cards on the table now and tell all truthfully,” said Steve Scheffler, a West Des Moines Republican and president of the Iowa Faith & Freedom Coalition. “If there is nothing there, he will be fine with conservatives. If there is more, then there could be some real challenges for him.”
Scheffler said Cain needs to be in Iowa “on a very regular basis” between now and the Iowa caucuses on Jan. 3, and should be “very candid about what did or did not happen.”
Cain, a retired Godfather’s Pizza executive and an ordained Baptist minister, has been at or near the top of recent national polls and led the field in the Iowa Poll released last weekend. The allegations could hinder Cain’s efforts to reassure the Republican establishment that someone with no experience in elective office and little vetting in the national limelight is ready to be the party’s nominee.
Top conservatives harbor questions
Like several other politics watchers in Iowa, conservative blogger Craig Robinson of TheIowaRepublican.com had earlier this election cycle heard rumblings of sexual harassment allegations involving Cain, but couldn’t confirm them.
“This is what you get when you have a candidate who’s never held elected office,” Robinson said. “He needs to answer these a little bit, and he needs to go farther than ‘the big bad liberal media is trying to come and get me.’ ”
Conservative radio host Steve Deace was one of the few Iowa Republicans who predicted Monday that this episode will hurt Cain in Iowa. “Because it reinforces the notion we don’t know who the real Herman Cain is.”
Cain said Monday afternoon that he wasn’t aware of the details of any financial settlement paid by the National Restaurant Association. “I hope it wasn’t for much because nothing happened,” he said.
That raised a question for Sioux City Republican Bob Vander Plaats, president of the conservative policy organization the Family Leader.
“I am a CEO, and it’s awfully hard for CEOs to not know if there’s a settlement or not a settlement,” he said. “CEOs are supposed to authorize them.”
Later Monday, Cain on Fox News said he was aware of the settlement, but wasn’t sure how much it was. “I do remember my general counsel saying we didn’t pay all of the money they demanded,” he said.
Poll respondents contacted by the Register said they’re still on the Cain train all the way.
Renfred Miller, a 27-year-old West Des Moines resident who works in sales, said it would have been nice to hear about the situation from Cain first, “but obviously he thought it was baseless and didn’t matter.”
Older GOP supporters of Cain will be especially stalwart, avoiding a rash decision until all of the details unfold, Miller said. Nevertheless, he said he wouldn’t be surprised if “in the next two, three, four days some folks will start coming forward” about Cain’s past.
Several Iowa Republicans said sexual harassment allegations are a very serious matter.So, either Herman Cain and his campaign staff are just wanting to present a "fair and balanced" report on the reaction of Iowa voters to the allegations, or his campaign is being run by stupid folks who post news clippings onto his website without vetting them. Based on the campaign's decision to run the inane internet ad featuring Wisconsin's own Mark Block, I am going with devoutly dumb as the correct answer.
State Rep. Kim Pearson, R-Pleasant Hill, said, “I think there are two equally wrong responses: One is to completely dismiss it, and the other is to rush to judgment.”
Several poll respondents said Cain should try to take legal action to release his two accusers from the confidentiality agreement so they can explain what happened.
“If he doesn’t have anything to hide, he should,” Kramer said.
Herman Cain's two top campaign aides ran a private Wisconsin-based corporation that helped the GOP presidential candidate get his fledgling campaign off the ground by originally footing the bill for tens of thousands of dollars in expenses for such items as iPads, chartered flights and travel to Iowa and Las Vegas - something that might breach federal tax and campaign law, according to sources and documents.
It is not known if Cain's election fund eventually paid back Prosperity USA, which now appears defunct. The candidate's federal election filings make no mention of the debt, and the figures in the documents don't match payments made by the candidate's campaign.
In addition to picking up these expenses at least initially, Prosperity USA also paid as much as $100,000 to the Congress of Racial Equality, a conservative black organization, shortly before Cain was a featured speaker at the group's annual Martin Luther King Jr. dinner in mid-January.
For decades, Block worked behind the scenes for several conservative candidates and causes in Wisconsin. He is best known in the state for his role as campaign manager for former state Supreme Court Justice Jon Wilcox in 1997. Accused of election law violations, Block settled the case by agreeing to pay a $15,000 fine and to stay out of Wisconsin politics for three years.
More recently, Block, 57, ran the state chapter of Americans for Prosperity, a nonprofit cofounded by the conservative Koch brothers that helped organize the tea party movement in Wisconsin and elsewhere.
It was through Americans for Prosperity that Block met Cain and encouraged him to run for national office. Block's role with the Cain campaign became a point of national interest in the past week when a bizarre online campaign ad featuring the chain-smoking Wisconsin operative went viral.
In recent years, Block spun off a handful of organizations from Americans for Prosperity, most of them incorporating "prosperity" in the name. Officials with Americans for Prosperity emphasize that these other groups were legally separate from their organization.
The largest group founded by Block was called Wisconsin Prosperity Network, which was supposed to be an umbrella organization that would spend more than $6 million a year underwriting a dozen or so other conservative groups in the hopes of turning the state red.
In the 2008 incorporation papers, Block is listed as the president of Wisconsin Prosperity Network, which was set up as a tax-exempt nonprofit group. That means the charitable organization cannot have direct political involvement. Hansen was the group's executive director.
Last year, Block started up Prosperity USA, another tax-exempt charitable group for which Block appeared to be the sole board member. Again, Hansen handled the day-to-day operations.
Insiders familiar with the groups say the two groups were closely linked and raised hundreds of thousands of dollars from prominent conservatives around the state. One supporter, who asked that his name not be used because he still supports Cain and other conservatives, said he and many others were deeply upset with the groups - and Hansen, in particular - for failing to use the money for its intended purposes.In a follow-up column, Bice quoted Lawrence Norton, a former general counsel at the Federal Election Commission: "It looks like a law school exam on potential campaign finance violations," Norton said, "Many of these payments would be prohibited contributions under federal election law."
Q10 If the Republican candidates for President
were Michele Bachmann, Herman Cain, Newt
Gingrich, Jon Huntsman, Gary Johnson, Ron
Paul, Rick Perry, Mitt Romney, and Rick
Santorum, who would you vote for?
Michele Bachmann ......................................... 5%
Herman Cain................................................... 29%
Newt Gingrich .................................................18%
Jon Huntsman................................................. 1%
Gary Johnson ................................................. 1%
Ron Paul ......................................................... 5%
Rick Perry ....................................................... 4%
Mitt Romney.................................................... 24%
Rick Santorum................................................ 2%
Someone else/Not sure .................................. 11%
Q11 Would you say you are strongly committed to
that candidate, or might you end up supporting
someone else?
Strongly committed to that candidate.............. 33%
Might end up supporting someone else .......... 67%
Q12 Who would be your second choice for
President?
Michele Bachmann ......................................... 6%A reader commenting at Andrew Sullivan's blog today says the problem for Huntsman is his Mormon faith. It is suggested that the GOP can countenance one Mormon in the race, one that already had a solid run at the presidency four years ago, but not two. I think this is wrong. The polling recently on voters considering a candidate being of the Mormon faith as disqualifying to them in terms of electability hasn't been that wretched for the chances of Mormon politicians. I think it is simply that Huntsman isn't far enough to the right for GOP voters. Particularly on social issues.
Herman Cain................................................... 13%
Newt Gingrich ................................................. 19%
Jon Huntsman................................................. 1%
Gary Johnson ................................................. 1%
Ron Paul ......................................................... 4%
Rick Perry ....................................................... 10%
Mitt Romney.................................................... 11%
Rick Santorum................................................ 2%
Someone else/Not sure .................................. 33%
If it was just a two-man race in South Carolina, Cain leads Romney 50% to 37%, and he leads Perry 56% to 27%. Romney leads Perry 49% to 30% in that two-way matchup.It is beyond astounding to me that Jon Huntsman, with a much more impressive political resume (from a conservative viewpoint) than Mitt Romney (or anyone else in the race on the GOP side) is mired where he is in national polling, while Herman Cain is where he is. I presume my Republican friends were just as astounded four years ago with Barack Obama's polling numbers. Still, you would think that there would be many more Republicans willing to accept Huntsman's more enlightened views on no-tax pledges, foreign policy, global warming and same sex union as representing a more mainstream Republican approach to governing.
Forty-four percent (44%) believe Romney is most likely to win the Republican presidential nomination. Twenty-five percent (25%) expect to see Cain as the nominee, while 10% think Perry will come back to win the race.
Turnout is always a key factor in primary campaigns. Among those absolutely certain to show up and vote, 35% prefer Cain, 21% Romney and 17% Gingrich.
Among those who are Very Conservative, Cain attracts 40% of the vote with Newt Gingrich a distant second at 22%. Among those who are Somewhat Conservative, it’s Cain at 31% and Romney at 27%. As for those who are moderate or liberal, Romney holds a four-point advantage over Cain.
In 2008, during the final week leading up to the South Carolina primary, voters for less successful candidates peeled away from their first choice to vote for one of the two frontrunners. In that race, it was the eventual nominee John McCain and the second place finisher Mike Huckabee.